Hist 381 Some Alternate Visions for Meiji Japan

A wonderful thing about Japan in the 1880s-1890s up until the 1920s, is that everyone was NOT on the same page. There were dissenters and people with Alternative Visions for Japan's future. Certainly, Taoka Reiun, whom we will study in detail, was one of those. He was probably one of 5-6,000 Japanese of his generation who who were concerned and troubled about Japan's trajectory.

 

Let us recall historian Kenneth Pyle's observation about a MAJOR WATERSHED in Japan of the late 188s and early 1890s:

Somewhere in the terrain of the late 1880s and early 1890s lies a major watershed in modern Japanese history. On one side lies

--a Japan occupied with domestic reform;

--a curious, self-critical, uncertain Japan;

--a Japan still in the making, preparing for the future, impelled by a robust and often naive optimism;

--above all, an experimental Japan, open to the world, trying new institutions, testing new values, intent on reordering her society and government.

On the other side lies

--a Japan with a renewed sense of order and discipline in her national life;

--a Japan less tractable,

--less hospitable to social reform,

--less tolerant of new values;

--a self-esteeming Japan, advertising her independence and destiny;

--above all, a Japan with a heightened sense of her own unity and exclusiveness.

(Pyle, The New Generation in Meiji Japan, p. 188; also found in Loftus, The Turn Against the Modern, 38-39)

One set of signals that suggest that this kind of transformation was taking place can be found in the two important expressions of what we often call Japanese "particularism" to which Pyle is alluding when he mentions this "less tolerant, less hospitable to social reform, less tolerant of new values":

1. One was the Meiji Constitution itself with its language about "Promulgat[ing] the present immutable fundamental law, for the sake of Our present subjects and their descendants," And the Articles about

--"The Emperor is sacred and inviolable.

--The Emperor is the head of the Empire, combining in Himself the rights of sovereignty, and exercises them, according to the provisions of the present Constitution."

This makes it clear that the people are a distant second to the monarch.

2. The Imperial Rescript on Education with its language centering around the Japanese monarchy and its uniqueness. This document was read aloud to all Japanese students at least once or twice a year:

Know ye, Our subjects:

Our Imperial Ancestors have founded Our Empire on a basis broad and everlasting and have deeply and firmly implanted virtue; Our subjects ever united in loyalty and filial piety have from generation to generation illustrated the beauty thereof. This is the glory of the fundamental character of Our Empire, and herein also lies the source of Our education.

Ye, Our subjects, be filial to your parents, affectionate to your brothers and sisters; as husbands and wives be harmonious, as friends true; bear yourselves in modesty and moderation; extend your benevolence to all; pursue learning and cultivate arts, and thereby develop intellectual faculties and perfect moral powers; furthermore advance public good and promote common interests; always respect the Constitution and observe the laws; should emergency arise, offer yourselves courageously to the State; and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of Our Imperial Throne coeval with heaven and earth.

So shall ye not only be Our good and faithful subjects, but render illustrious the best traditions of your forefathers. The Way here set forth is indeed the teaching bequeathed by Our Imperial Ancestors, to be observed alike by Their Descendants and the subjects, infallible for all ages and true in all places. It is Our wish to lay it to heart in all reverence, in common with you, Our subjects, that we may thus attain to the same virtue.

Maybe one of the first things to strike us is that after all the fascination with western bunmei or civilization, and the insistence of the value of bunmei-kaika, whne push came to shove it was Confucian values that became enshrined in the education system. So it was still Neo-Confucianism that would guide young Japanese imperial subjects; and from it, they would learn obedience, respect for authority and one's elders, loualty to the mperor and the government. So much for the notions of freedom and liberty embodied in natural rights theory!

It was also, all about Japan's uniqueness, its "Particularism." Particularism" refers to a nation's sense of of its uniqueness and particularity; as one definition puts it:

--"Exclusive adherence to, dedication to, or interest in one's own group, party, sect, or nation," or

--"the principle of leaving each state...free to govern itself and promote its own interests, without reference to those of the whole."

Another term you may have heard is "Exceptionalism," especially "American Exceptionalism," particularly with regard to "the special character of the United States as a uniquely free nation based on democratic ideals and personal liberty. Sometimes this special character is inferred from the nature of American political institutions founded in the 1776-89 period–the declaration of independence (1776), revolution (1776-83), constitution (1787) etc."

(http://iantyrrell.wordpress.com/papers-and-comments/)

It seems that conservative critics in the US berated President Barack Obama because he did not push this principle as much as they would have liked. This, even though he clearly stated "I believe in American exceptionalism, just as I suspect that the Brits believe in British exceptionalism and the Greeks believe in Greek exceptionalism."

But the very fact that he acknowledged that other nations might have their own sense of their unique and special qualities, their own history, and how that history has shaped their place in the world, was too much for the right wing. In their view, the fact that he would dare to suggest that other countries might see themselves as exceptional, too, seems to make his patriotism suspect in their eyes.

I always like to point out that when Japan developed its paarticular brand of Japanese exceptionalism in the 1930s, of which the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere was but one expression, the US did not care for it one single bit. In fact, one might say that we fought a very bitter and destructive war with Japan over it. The notion of the kokutai--Japan's unique national polity related to the unbroken imperial line of monarchs descended from the Sun Goddess--is central to Japanese particularism which also took the form of the belief that the Japanese were a morally superior race, and Japan not not only the most splendid nation, but the only splendid one to be found in the world!

To echo what Ian Buruma has written, what is intriguing about late 19th and early 20th century Japan is that so many writers, critics, and activists did not embrace this "renewed sense or order and discipline," and were committed, instead, to the right of people to speak out, to assemble, to demonstrate publicly, to elect their own representatives, and to bring about political and social reform. Buruma wrote: "What is surprising about early Meiji history is not that the Satsuma and Choshu autocrats found popular soverignty uncongenial, but that so many Japanese took the opposite view." (Inventing Japan, p. 40)

In other words, what should surprise us is how many advocates of natural rights and genuine representative government there actually were. More than we might have anticipted! And some of these people, to the horror of others, allied with the poorest people, joined debtor parties and were even willing to take up arms against the govement!! In the turbulent early years of the 1880s, when "parties" inspired by the popular rights movement were appearing everywhere, some felt that their only recourse was to resist the state with arms. Under the panner of popular rights movement parties, Japanese armed themselves and attacked government outposts and demanded their natural rights. These uprisings were suppressed ruthlessly by the government in 1883-1884 but more than 25 years later, critic Taoka Reiun compiled in 1909 biographies of the leaders of these political rebellions and called it Meiji hanshinden (Biographies of Meiji Rebels) in which he argued that they were right to do what they did and that the Japanese people deserved a more open and democratic society. See The Turn Against the Modern, 176-181)

We should also remember context. Pyle's remarks come at the end of a book he wrote focusing mainly on one towering and influential figure during the 1880s, the journalist and opinion leader, Tokutomi Sohô (1863-1957). He became the voice of his generation, the new Fukuzawa, only his theme was different.

--He did not feel that Fukuzawa went far enough; Tokutomi wanted to go "all in" on the Westernization push.

--He wanted to see more in the way of moral and spiritual teaching in Japan, but he leaned towards the development of western characteristics of independence, self-reliance, etc.

--And, yet, like Fukuzawa, toward the latter part of his career, he became more conservative and nationalistic. The Sino-Japanese War (1894-95) was a turning point for him as it was for many Japanese: it stirred national pride and then indignation when Germany, France and Russia intervened to force Japan to return the territory it had won.

So who were some of these people who did not buy fully into the particularistic vision of the Meiji Constitutional order. There were operating against the backdrop of a system of Two Party Rule that was starting to informally evolve.

There were a wide variety of people who fit into this category. See for example:

1. Christian Writers and Activists like...
Niijima Jô (Amherst) (mentioned by McClain)

------>founded Doshisha University (Kyoto)
             
            Also, the "Kumamoto Band" (of which Tokutomi was a member) = a group of young men who defied their parents and teachers and converted to Christianity in dramatic fashion.

--Tokutomi began his studies at Yokoi Shônan's "School of Western Studies" which later (1871) hired West Point trained, Civil War veteran, Capt. Leroy Janes to serve as headmaster. He inspired 35 young students at the school to defy their parents and climb Mt. Hanoka and announce their conversion to Christianity.

--Besides Tokutomi, these youth included:

--Ebina Danjô(1856-1937) influential Potestant minister 
            
--Tokutomi Sohô (1863-1957) and his brother Tokutomi Rôka (1868-1927)

              Sohô ------------------------------Rôka

(journalist, author)                            (novelist)
Youth of the New Japan (1885)          Footprints in the Snow

--Tokutomi was the next generation’s Fukuzawa: a popular, influential writer; journalist; opinion leader; a strong advocate of thoroughgoing westernization.
--born in Minamata, from wealthy peasant family; after his education under Captain Leroy Lansing Janes in Kumamoto, he attended Doshisha University in Kyoto founded by another influentail Christian, Niijima Jô.

--He was baptized by Niijima in 1878 though he never connected fully with chrtistian vlaues; he said he was more a follower of Niijima than Christ. He later abandoned Christianity.

--Nevertheless, Confucian beliefs were probably less influential on him than on Fukuzawa

--He became a teacher at his own school in Kumamoto; penned a long essay in “Education and Youth in 19th Century Japan” which he expanded into a book,

Youth and the New Japan (1885); followed this with

The Future of Japan (1886)

which was enormously popular and influential; 4 printings on initial run!

So, this is a "moment," a new youth culture is emerging.

-->At only 23 years old, he had made enough money to move to Tokyo and form the Minyûsha (Friends of the People);

--He attacked the "old men" of Tempo such as Fukuzawa Yûkichi;

--He saw Oligarchs reform program as only half hearted and too conservative;

—He looked to Meiji Youth who own the future: the old men are “the relics of yesterday’s world; you are the masters of the future.”

--He seemed very progressive; believed that the Meiji Restoration had failed to bring about a spiritual rebirth of a new Japan to it was up to them to complete the act

--So he claimed a special role for Japanese youth

--The rapid tempo of Meiji political change had disrupted sense of continuity; Confucianism gone but what should replace the spiritual foundation for the new, secular education?

--He called the pre-Meiji education “reactionary” and early Meiji reforms as “Unbalanced”, i.e. Fukuzawa’s emphasis on the practical neglected moral training;

--He was very influenced by Spencer; saw Japan's change as part of universal trends of transformation from feudalistic, aristocratic societies to industrialized democratic ones.

--So he wanted more from education and youth; not just syncretic—“eastern morals, western techniques”;

-- The 1881 Educational Reforms and 1885 Bureaucratic Reforms (see Taoka Reiun) seemed to introduce moral and military training but it was old morals and they were not really compatible with western education;

--So his plan was to go further; to go ALL in with Westernism.

Sohô's books were enormously popular and allowed him to move to Tokyo and publish a journal modeled on the American magazine called The Nation.

Sohô called his,

Kokumin no Tomo/The Nation's Friend,

and he also started a newspaper, Kokumin shinbun;

He infused the Meiji world with fresh style of reformism to appeal to youth. Youth and westernism were his major themes:

He argued that Japan had reached critical point: old leaders were tired and spent, reform pace was abating. It was time for new energy to recharge the reform spirit.

He sounded like a populist; wrote of heiminshugi = "commoner-ism"; the heimin (平民) were literally, ordinary or "common" people

He thought Japanese youth should emulate western leaders and learn reason, self-reliance, individual responsibility.

He sounded the trumpet for the dawn of a new age;

--Youth were streaming into Tokyo;

--New journals were proliferating and publication numbers were generating lots of money.

The timing was perfect: 1885-86 saw that the heyday of Popular Rights Movement was in the rearview mirror and more conservative reforms were on the horizon—that watershed of which Kenneth Pyle wrote.

His books wery influential on a wide range of people:

Maruyama Kanji, journalist and father of Maruyama Masao, leading intellectual in postwar Japan, rote about his “elation” at reading Tokutomi when he was 15 or 16;

Socialists like Kôtoku Shûsui and Sakai Toshiko admired him in their student days;
Writer Futabatei Shimei, too.

Was he Democratic?

Yes in the limited sense that it opposed coercive rule by a closed off elite; rejected old forms of social stratification, hereditary status, and formal rank. Staking his hopes on people kind of like himself, whom he called "country gentlemen,: he was optimistic about the emergence of a nrew middle class and the future of parliamentary government provided it operated with rational deliberation and enlightened legislation. Tokutomi anticipated that with industrialization Japan would naturally come an open and more flexible society.

More on Tokutomi's background:
Following four years as a teacher and publicist in Kumamoto, the 23-year-old Sohô moved to Tokyo where he launched Japan's first sôgô zasshi ('composite journal', Kokumin no Tomo, in order to espouse his deep-seated belief in individual rights. Very popular journal; circulation in excess of 10,000--very high! It's influence was felt throughout Japan.

His calls for the 'prosperity, freedom and happiness' of all people--even those who 'live in humble cottages'--made the magazine an instant success and launched Sohô's controversial career.

After a decade as a proponent of 'liberal', bitterly anti-government views, Tokutomi turned conservative in the mid-1890s; he began to call for national expansion and, much like Fukuzawa whom he had mocked earlier, his concern for the individual was replaced by an increasingly strident advocacy of statism, militarism, and imperialism.

Moreover, he joined the once-despised establishment after the Sino-Japanese War, working directly for politicians such as Matsukata Masayoshi and Katsura Tarô, even while suffering several periods of public scorn as a traitor and turncoat.

Tokutomi Sohô was initially a champion of liberal democracy and populism, as he thought that an open and democratic social and political order in emulation of the western nations in general, and the United States in particular would enable Japan to modernize and strength itself in the shortest possible time. But, ultimately, much like Fukuzawa whom he attacked, he became a conservative who supported a strong state above all else, a state whose interests should trump those of the people. (See McClain pp. 394-295)

 

A Contrasting View:
Tokutomi's Minyûsha group was "opposed" by the likes of Miyake Setsurei (1860-1945), Shiga Shigetaka (1863-1927), and Kuga Katsunan (1857-1907) who favored exploring Japan's historical and cultural roots and its national identity;

--they formed their group called the Seikyôsha
--published their newspaper, Nihonjin
--Miyake studied philosophy and wanted to find the points of congruence, to synthesize Eastern and Western philosophy
-- Seikyôsha a types did not want the baby thrown out with the bathwater; over reliance on western models not healthy
--Shiga Shegetaka coined the term kokusui hozon = preserve a “national essence,” something that has been handed down through the generations; it’s a Japanese spirit and thought; customs and traditions, art, etc. that have value!
--therefore, the best defense was national self-knowledge;
--these are not conservative nationalists, not particularistic; but think of nature and culture in the broadest possible terms;
--also, on social issues, this group was very progressive. (McClain discusses this movement on pp. 265-266)

--It was this group to whom Taoka Reiun was much more drawn (See Turn Against the Modern, 33-35)

Irony: after the Sino-Japanese War, and the Triple Intervention, Sohô became much more chauvinistic, nationalistic and a strong imperialist—much like Fukuzawa had done, the person he ridiculed! 

In doing so, Sohô basically admitted that the Seikyôsha position was the more correct one: Japan needed to know its past and its traditions; but he became narrowly particularistic in a way Miyake and, especially, Taoka Reiun were not.

More Christian activists:
Shimada Saburô (1852-1923) newspaper editor who was strong on social isses, social concerns
Uchimura Kanzô Seikyôsha  (teacher) who refused to kneel before the Imperial Portrait as a high-school teacher
                     Nitobe Inazô (educator, author--Bushidô)

2. There is also a significant trend we call the "Disaffection with Politics and the Turn inward towards Literature" (seiji kara bungaku e):

Kitamura Tôkoku (1868-1894) broke new ground  (literature, romanticism, the inner life, Emerson, Thoreau = the modern self explored); Also discussed briefly in Turn Against the Modern.

Stirred by the Popular Rights Movement, but then depressed by it’s failures, hefell in love with a Japanese Christian woman; married young; started his own literary circle and magazine.
He would have been enormously influential too had he lived; he committed suicide in 1894; (See Turn Against the Modern, 92-95)

His "torch" picked up and carried forward by...

Taoka Reiun (1870-1912) a Cultural and Literary Critic: Active 1895-1912;

--Originally was drawn to the writings of the Seikyôsha group, those who favored looking closely at the value of "Asian" traditions like Buddhism Daoism, the Upanishads and the Vedas from India;

--Taoka was struck by how Europe and America at the time (late 19th century) were just discovering Asian Philosophy and Mysticism; he noted such things as:

--Reiun called for socially conscious literature in 1895, right after Sino-Japanese War = make poverty and discrimination the subject of literature!

-- He wrote against the Ashio Mining company and its neglect of ordinary ctizens;

--He called into question and contested 19th west's version of "civilization," i.e., bunmei or the idea modernity itself;

--He spoke up for the needs of the poor and underprivileged classes, and Korean residents of Japan;

--He called for a Women's Liberation Movement on the theory that men cannot be free unless women are free and independent;

--Had the courage to write and publish in 1909, Meiji Hanshinden, 5 biographies of the leaders of the gekka-jikken or incidents of intensified violence by Popular Rights Activist in the 1882-1884 period;

--He called for moderation in the rush to modernize, do not overlook the great Asian traditions: Laozi, Zhuangzi, the Vedas, the Upanishads; publisshed his second journal called Tenko (Heaven's Drum) full of a humanistic, holistic critique of modernity;

--So he was an Asianist or "Orientalist" in the best sense;

--But he was never a narrow nationalist; he hated what he called "narrow pseudo patriotism"; instead, he envisioned a new, dynamic global culture based on the best of East and West;

--He was impressed by the writings of Edward Carpenter in the UK, who was openly gay in England in the 1880s and wrote a scathing critique of 19th century civilization.

--But, unable to make a successful living in Japan, he traveled to China often, lived there as a Japanese language teacher; interacted with Chinese who were seeking to overthrow the Qing Dynasty;

--When he returned in 1907 couldn't help feeling Japan was already becoming a "police state"

Also engaging in a signifcant discourse was an unlikely figure, a Japanese Eastern Orthodox Christian acolyte named Konishi Matsutarô. He trained at the Orthodox Seminary and the Orthodox School of Russian Language in Tokyo. His contribution was noted by contemporary scholar and historian, Sho Konishi of Oxford University (no relation!)

Konishi Matsutarô traveled to Russia and in January 1893 29 leading Russian scholars and philosophers came to hear him talk about the metaphysics of the Daodejing. The turnout was strong and it reflected a genuine interest in better understanding this complex work, one that Taoka Reiun revered as well. Laozi based his ideas on the search for universal or divine truth. Konishi thought it represented a new direction for human progress in the future. Compared with Laozi, Confucius only mouthed the traditional moral thinking of the time and while his views were popular in Imperial Japan, because of their emphasis on obedience and loyalty to authority, many were also drawn to the way in which the Daodejing deconstructed social hierarchies through a moral system that radically overturned conventional notions of virtue and social worth. (See Konishi, Anarchist Modernity, pp. 109-112)

When Tolstoy heard that there was a project underway to make a Russian translation of the Daodejing from classical Chinese centered around the young Konishi, he was all in. He came and met with Konishi and the two worked at Tolstoy's home for weeks and months. When Konishi returned to Japan he embarked on translating as many of Tolstoy's religious and spiritual essays as he could. He saw Tolstoy's work as a kind of "people's theology," and he remains today one of the most translated writers in Japan.

3. Tanaka Shōzō (1841 ～ 1913)
Born in 1841 in present Konaka-cho, Sano and married at the age of 22. Started his political career in l878 when he was elected to the Tochigi and was elected to the first Diet in 1890. He soon became involved in fighting pollution of the fertile Watarase River Valley by the copper mine in the Ashio Mountains.

Tanaka called on the government to order the mine's closure but the government took little notice. In 1891, he stood up in the Diet and called out PM Matsukata Masayoshi for the government's failure to protect its citizens. In 1901 he resigned from the Diet in disgust at its indifference to his appeals. Later he tried to make a direct petition to the Emperor. The socialist-anarchist Kôtoku Shûsui helped him draft the document and the technique of "direct action" comes straight from anarchist phisiphy. He was arrested but soon released. (See McClain on Ashio and Tanaka, pp. 237-240)

Against the government decision to create the reservoir or drainage basin where Yanaka village rested, Tanaka led the villagers in the resistancemovement to the scheme. The village was demolished in 1907. The last great effort of his life was to expound the need for man to respect the natural environment if he was to survive. He died on September 4, 1913. Thousands of mourners attended his funeral.

http://www8.plala.or.jp/kawakiyo/kiyo40_52.htm

As Brett Walker points out, Tanaka spent time in Meiji jails and prisons for standing up to officials; while incarcerated, he read Rousseau and Samuel Smiles and came out or prison committed to a life of humble public service. "He was genuinely fearless in his fight to protect the underprivileged from the hardship and pain demanded by the Meiji state." (Walker, 98)

When none of his questions in the Diet would be addressed by government officials, together with Kôtoku Shûsui, he drafted a petition which he tried--and failed--to deliver directly to the Meiji Emperor. On the morning of 10 December 1901, when the Meiji Emperor was returning from the Diet in his carriage, Tanaka came up to him, a written appeal in hand, and shouted to him. His hope was to bring the scandal of the mine poisonings into public consciousness.

Tanaka's attempted appeal to the Emperor came as a great shock to the government. The Minister of Home Affairs, Utsumi, was sent to the Emperor to explain the situation, and the chiefs of the Oura and Kojimachi Police Departments were, likewise, sent to the Prime Minister to explain matters. Tanaka was examined by Public Prosecutor Kawabuchi and by the chief of the Kojimachi Police Department. He told them that his actions had been an attempt to reach the Emperor with his appeal, and although many presumed him insane, a psychiatric examination held that he was perfectly sane. Tanaka was released at 7:30 the same evening.

Tanaka's appeal astounded the public at large. Many people from different walks of life began to become involved in attempts to improve the terrible situation caused by the mine poisonings. On 27 December 1901, a trip to the poisoned areas was planned and about 800 students from 40 colleges, universities, and high schools joined it. They were deeply moved by the damage done to the environment, and so they organized movements designed to spread the news about the grim reality of the destruction and the need to help the farmers. This was the first of the numerous student movements that were to come. (See http://archive.unu.edu/unupress/unupbooks/uu35ie/uu35ie05.htm)

5. Leftwing or Progessive Ideas: The First Socialist Party formed 1901:

Then there was the rise of interest in leftwing ideologies culminating in founding of Socialist Party by 6 Social Activists: a. Some came from the Christian Socialist background like Abe Isô                Nishikawa Kojirô              Kinoshita Naoe          (student of Niijima)  (labor organizer, socialist)        (socialist, activist, novelist) b. Plus three other more traditional Marxist types: Sakai Toshihiko (1870-1933) = translator of Communist Manifesto, co-founder Japan Communist Part 1921 Katayama Sen (1859-1933) also a Marxist/Communist and Kôtoku Shûsui (1871-1911) well-known socialist, anarchist, and advocate for social justice [See Below] These 6 men cooperated to found the Socialist Party in Japan in 1901 but it was outlawed almost immediately; What was their Socialist Party Platform like? --all people are brothers despite differences in race or politics; --abrogation of all armaments, and support for peace; --abrogation of the class system; --public ownership of Land and Captial; --public ownership of transportation RR, Shipping, etc.; --Compulsory education expanded up to 8th grade; --no child labor; --workers right ot organize; --a law to protect tenant famers; --call for universal suffrage; --abrogation of death penalty; --disbandonment of House of Peers; --abrogation of PPL and Press Laws

 

*******************

But wait! That is not all! There were also:

6. Journalists, Social Activists:

Yokoyama Gennosuke (1871- 1915) journalist, exposing "Darkest Tokyo"(see McClain pp. 254-55 and Loftus, pp. 110-113)

Gonda Yasunosuke (1887-1951)--inspired by Abe Isô and anarchist thinker Osugi Sakae, studied German at Tokyo Gaidai (School of Foreign Languages), and conducted studies of modern everyday life by gathering statsitics and interviewing people--cafes, movies, etc. Trained by Takano Iwasaburo in statistical research. Takano helped Gonda secure a position in Economics at Tokyo Imperial University but they left in 1921 in protest against the Morito Incident when a professor was dismissed for publishing an article on Peter Kropotkin's Anarchism. Even though the article was critical of Kropotkin, Morito Tatsuo was guilty of discussing anarchist ideas! Gonda believed in studying how the modern industrial proletariat and middle class engaged in entertainment. He joined the Ohara Research Institute where he crossed paths wth many leftist labor organizers.

7. Labor Organizers/Advocates for the Poor; both of Christian background:
Kagawa Toyohiko (1888-1960) moved into a Kobe slum with the intention of acting as a missionary;

and social worker Suzuki Bunji (1885-1946) active labor organizer who organized the Samuel Gompers style Friendly Society (Yuaikai) in 1912

8. Non-Christian Socialists/Labor Activists/Anarchists:
--Hosoi Wakizô (1897-1925), investigated conditions in textile mills, wrote a classic study based on his findings, Joko aishi (Sad History of Textile Workers); it is still available in an inexpensive paperback version. Ch. 3 in Telling Lives is the story of his common-law wife/widow, Takai Toshio.

--Sakai Toshihiko (1870-1933) -- translates The Communist Manifesto co-founds JCP  circa 1921 

--Kôtoku Shûsui (1871-1911) socialist/anarchist thinker, hanged in 1911 when charged in the the High Treason Incident 1910-11which was a plot to throw a bomb at the carriage of the Meiji emperor. Kôtoku's involvement is thought to be marginal--he was more a writer and thinker than a plotter or activist; but the woman he lived with, Kanno Suga, WAS directly implicated.

Many were arrested, some 26 brought to trial; the trial was held behind closed doors; 24 sentenced to death. An Imperial Rescript the next day commuted 12 of the death sentences were commuted to life; 12 were executed: 11 men including Kôtoku Shûsui and his common-law wife, the only woman sentenced, Kanno Suga. This incident was said to have ushered in the "Winter Era" of socialist activities.

A story goes that novelist Tokutomi Rôka (Sohô's younger brother), invited to speak at the prestigious Peer's School the day the news of Kôtoku's hanging broke, when asked what he would speak about he wrote two characters in the sand--謀反--meaning "rebellion" or "revolution"--which was an indication of how upset he was to hear the news of Kotoku's execution. His remarks in defense of Kotoku created something of a scandal when he spoke at the prestigious Peer's School.

 

Note, Sakai Toshihiko's daughter Magara became a radical feminist activist who co-organized the Red Wave Society in 1921 ;

Again, Taoka Reiun, mentioned above, was from Kôchi (Tosa) as was Kôtoku and they were good friends. He was rooming next door to Kôtoku in an inn at Yugawara Hotsprings when Kotoku was arrested. Taoka was also taken down to the police station and interrogated, then released. He asked to see Kôtoku before he left the police station but his request was denied; he heard Kôtoku shout out "Sayonara," from the rear of the facility never drreaming these would be the last words he would ever hear from his friend.

 

The Next Generation

9. Poet, ishikawa Takuboku. There is a kind of lineage we see in The Turn Against the Modern linking Tokutomi---> people like Kôtoku and Taoka---> and fifteen years their junior, Ishikawa Takuboku who wanted to make poetry and free, individual expression, the stuff of everyday life.

10. Kawakami Hajime (1879-1946) made the transition from a Buddhist to a Marxist Economist. He was a professor of Economics at Kyoto Imperial University author of Bimbô monogatari (Tales of Poverty) 1917.

When he traveled to Europe, he was struck by the widespread poverty in advanced capitalist nations which sensitized him to the fundamental contradictions of capitalism. Along with others, he had formerly believed that poverty in Japan was an outcome of underdevelopment; however, now he could see that the development of capitalism can actually aggravate the poverty of workers. In 1917, Kawakami began writing a series of articles in the Osaka Asahi newspaper that explored the question of poverty. The articles created a sensation at the time, due in part to Kawakami's accomplished writing style, and were later published in a book entitled Tale of Poverty (Bimbô monogatari). Adopting a view that many Japanese took, including Taoka Reiun, he linked poverty to "economic individualism" and "materialism," and he initially believed that this could be overcome through the rich abstaining from the consumption of luxury goods, along with the government playing a more interventionist role in the economy through wealth redistribution. Kawakami was arrested in 1933 and sent to prison for being a member of the illegal Japan Communist Party.

11. Yoshino Sakuzô (1878-1933)　Identified with spirit of Taisho Democracy
--Tokyo University Politics Professor, Newpaper columnist and important opinion leader; sympathetic to Korea and questioned need for colonialism

--Active with Abe Isô and EbinaDanjô in Christian circles (see above)

-- founded the New Man Society (Shinjnkai, 新人会, 1918) at University of Tokyo which latrer became a thoroughly Marxist student organization;

--coined the term Minponshugi (民本主義) or "people as the essence-ism" as a way to backdoor the term "Democracy" (which was rendered as Minshushugi, 民衆主義 or the people as sovereign) into political discourse. The key move here was to substitute the character for "fundamental" or "essence" (本) in place of the character for the people or the masses (民衆 ) because to have the 民衆 as the locus of sovereignty was not possible under the Meiji Constitution which placed sovereignty clearly in the person of the emperor.

民本主義 meant that government was at least to be "For the People" if not "Of" and "By" them.

--Opposed Japanese Imperialism and Colonial Holdings in Taiwan and Korea

12. Ôsugi Sakae (大杉栄 )1885–1923) was a radical individualist and anarchist. He was a successor, of sorts, of Kôtoku Shûsui as the intellectual leader of socialist movement. He published numerous anarchist periodicals, helped translate various western anarchist essays into Japanese for the first time, and created Japan's first Esperanto school in 1906. He published and edited a journal called Modern Thought (Kindai shisô). Ôsugi's understanding of Anarchism came from reading Bakunin and Kropotkin, supplemented by evolutionary theory and anthropology, under the influence of Nietzsche, Bergson, Max Stirner, and Georges Sorel, he developed his own complementary theory of ethical egoism, which he believed would be the basis of a functioning anarcho-syndicalism: the mainspring of all freedom was the self in rebellion against class-society. Spiritually crippled selves could not function ethically in relation to each other. It was up to each member of the proletariat to realize their freedom through self-development.

Ôsugi spent several years in prison during his 20's, but after the aftermath of the High Treason Incident, in which twelve of his fellow radicals were executed, he kept his activities largely outside the realm of offenses for which he could be arrested. The authorities knew of his actions at all times, however. He was constantly followed by police, and seems to have developed with them a symbiotic, cat-and-mouse relationship -- he would by turns befriend them, keep them informed of his itinerary, send them on errands. Then, when necessary, and with great aplomb and dedication to craft -- they'd be given the slip. However, in the confusion, violence and turmoil during the 1923 Kanto Earthquake, he and his girlfriend, Noe Itō, a feminist leader and critic in her own right, along with his nephew were murdered by a police captain in what became known as the Amakasu Incident. While officials took the occasion of the post-earthquake turmoil to go after labor unions and leftwing figures, mobs also targeted Korean residents of Japan, rounded them up and, in many instances, murdered them. (see http://www.filmonfilm.org/events/eros_plus_massacre/osugi_ito_legends.pdf)

13. The Buraku Liberation Movement in the form of the Suiheisha (水平社) or "Leveler's Society," which concentrated on confronting and criticising alleged perpetrators of discrimination against for former eta or "outcaste" group also known as "Burakumin." These were former leather and tannery workers who were considered unclean and polluted because they dealt with dead animals or human corpses. The eta lived in segregated settlements, and were generally avoided by the rest of Japanese society. 'Eta' were never allowed to change caste, unlike the other castes who, depending on special circumstances, could move into a different class.

When dealing with members of other castes, they were expected to display signs of subservience, such as the removal of headwear. Physical contact was considered absolutely taboo and required ritual purification for the non-eta person.

So, the number of people, activists, who did not support Japanese particularism was noteworthy and significant. Much of their activism took place against the backdrop of "Taishô Democracy" which was a successfor phase of the Popular Righst Movement that occurred in and around the time of WWI.

****

 

The Taishô Political Crisis of 1912-13

Actually began in ther Summer of 1911.

Saioniji Kinmochi (1849-1940), an oligarch who came from the Imperial Court, but also considered to have liberal sensibilities--he had edited a newspaper with Nakai Chomin called "Toyo Jiyu Shimbun" (East Asia Freedom Newspaper)--and after he joined Ito's Seiyukai party, he was known to butt heads with Yamagata and the army who were striving for greater military power. He was in office as PM and Head of Seiyukai Party in 1911 when he was pressured to follow an economic retrenchment policy and cut government budgets, including for the military; but the Army and Navy both pressed for increased allocations and when both were turned down, the Army Minister resigned without consulting Saionji. How could this happen? Cabinet ranking military officers had the right of direct access to the Throne and were appointed by the emperor. While it was probably not planned to work this way, and Army or Navy minister could resign abruptly and topple a cabinet. This is what happened to Saionji.

The Meiji emperor died in July of 1912. His successor wa not well and suffered neurological issues and seemed simple minded so he was kept out of sight as much as possible. After the death of the Meiji emperor and with the start of a new era, the Taishô Period, there was a significant politcal crisis which gave the era a reputation for being associated with political change, reform, and democracy.

Who would replace Saionji as PM?

The Oligarchs/Genrô wanted Saionji to form another cabinet, but he refused. Yamagata favored Gen. Terauchi (Chôshu), but he declined, too, as did Matsukata (Satsuma) and then Admiral Yamamoto (Chôshu.)

So, Katsura Tarô, former Army General from Chôshu, was chosen. Although a Yamagata protoge, he was eager to push away and become a statesman on his own.

In the popular press and in the Parties, Katsura was suspected of having orchestrated the fall of Saionji's cabinet, so he was disliked as autocratic. He was just another Chôshu general trying to perpetuate non-party rule.

Katsura kind of played against these concerns when the Navy tried to hold out for new battleships, he secured an Imperial Rescript ordering the Navy to furnish a minister. Oddly enough, this was perceived as "undemocratic," and critics reacted strongly.

The League for Protection of Constitution was formed in late 1912 by a coalition of opposition parties, businessmen and intellectuals which then organized mass rallies against P.M. Katsura who was seen as aloof and autocratic. Not a political party person, not a man of the people.

At these rallies, people called for a "Taishô Restoration" that would complete the work of the Meiji Restoration and make Japan more democratic. Because this political crisis erupted just as Meiji was transitioning into Taishô, the idea that somehow this next period would be associated with greater political freedoms was established in people's minds and perceptions.

Katsura knew that he probably could not win an election so when a "No-Confidence" motion was called for in the Diet, he used another Imperial Rescript to prorogue the Diet for 15 days.

Katsura forms his own party, the Dôshikai, 1913 which eventually evolves into the viable alternative party to the Seiyukai known as the Kenseikai headed by Kato Kômei and later called the Minseitô. But in the short run, it did not convince anybody that Katsura was a man of the people. Crowds surrounded the Diet and jeered his name. A tense momment in political life known as the Taishô Political Crisis.

When the Diet met again after the recess, Katsura was questioned about the source of his rescript--he replied that it was "too sacred to discuss." This was when Ozaki Koyo made his famous speech in the Diet:

They always mouth "loyalty" and "patriotism" but what they are actually doing is hiding themselves behind the Throne, and shoot at their political enemies from their secure ambush. The Throne is their rampart. Rescripts are their missiles.

Katsura's cabinet fell, as he had no majority in the Diet, and was not popular and though the next cabinet was formed by a Naval Admiral, Yamamoto, and the two after were also non-party or "Transcendental Cabinets," the signs were increasingly clear that leaders could not govern without party support.

Thus was inaugurated an era of regular political party-based cabinets. And this unfolds out of a political crisis, featuring Diet and electoral politics, there was a general feeling that the system was becoming more democratic.

At least four developments helped support this perception:

1. The injection of the "masses," the "people" into politics when things like the Hibiya Park Riot in 1905 and the Rice Riots erupted in 1918 when inflation drove up the cost of staple food products.

The years 1905-1918 in Japan are often called the Era of Popular Violence (民衆騒擾期, minshû sôjô ki).

--This began with the Hibiya Incendiary Incident (日比谷焼討事件, Hibiya Yakiuchi Jiken) - a citywide riot in Tokyo that started with a banned protest in Hibiya park; against the terms of the Portsmouth Treaty which ended the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905.

--There were also large streetcar strikes and riots in 1911 in Tokyo, and a three day riot 1914 in Nagoya, against which a large contingent of troops was required to suppress it. Strikes also increased massively during the First World War, from 49 strikes by 5,763 workers in 1914 to 108 strikes by 8,413 workers in 1916 to 417 strikes by 66,457 workers in 1918.

--The Rice Riots themselves. In 1918, the price of rice doubled within a short space of time, and prices for other consumer goods were also high while wages remained low. Japan was also subject to an influenza pandemic in 1918-1919 like much of the rest of the world. However, rioting did not necessarily occur in the poorest areas, or amongst the poorest workers or the Burakamin (outcastes). Most rioters were those in modern forms of employment, and usually from median income groups rather than the lowest paid - even in backward rural areas there was rapid industrialization and peasants often held second occupations in manufacturing.

--By 11 August the riots had spread to the rest of the Kansai region; Osaka, Kobe, Kure and Hiroshima all experienced rioting, followed by Tokyo the next day. This continued until 20th August with the quelling of the Sasebo uprising. The largest cities in the industrial areas of Kansai and Kanto regions saw riots last up to a week (Nagoya's were the longest at ten days), whilst rioting of up to two days took place in around 38 cities throughout most of Japan except the far north and Okinawa. Osaka saw the largest protests, with c. 230,000 residents involved. As McClain points out, it took over 100,000 goverment troops to put the riots down.

--They had flared up, especially in Osaka and Tokyo, as rice dealers were increasingly looted, and other commodities, such as coal, were targeted. Due to the severe housing shortage in major Japanese cities, rioters also attacked the offices of estate agents, many of whom were involved in illegal price gouging. As in Nagoya, there was armed conflict with police in several cities, and rioters set grain importing companies, police boxes and a pro-government newspaper office in Kobe on fire. Attacks were primarily against property, the police and troops, with individual rice dealers and their homes left untouched.

--Also, in August 1918, 26,000 workers were involved in strikes for better wages and working conditions. Unions were banned, and the more informal labour associations which became Japan's trade unions later on had little influence, and strikes were illegal, however this was one of the largest single instances of strike action in the country's history up to that point. Many of these strikes turned violent, notably at the Mitsubishi shipyard in Kobe. This shook elites up and they felt something drastic was called for. That something was to place the leader of a top political party in office as Prime Minister.

 

2. Therefore, taken together, these events created the context for Hara Kei, President of the Seiyukai, to become the 1st "Party PM" in 1918-1921 and is known as the first "commoner" or Non-Sat-Cho PM in modern Japan. BUT, alas, Hara was assassinated in 1921 by a right-winger and 3 "Transcendental" or Non-Party Cabinets followed. So we may not be able to say that the road to increased participation in the political process was a smopoth or direct one.

3. But we can still say that the Era of "Normal Constitutional Government" kicks in as the two largest parties, the Seiyukai and Kenseikai, begin to alternate in Power regularly, and in an orderly fashion, between 1924-1932. So even though the Consitution did not envision this, and the Oligarchs really did not want it, there it was. This is something.

4. The outbreak of WWI--the war to make the world "Safe for Democracy"--injected a lot of positive (Wilsonian) rhetoric about democracy, equality among nations, national soverignty, the right of self-determination, and and to the old autovratic was of doing these in the international environment.

So this whole atmosphere, and the Era of Party Cabinets 1918-1932 sparks new ideas about how to make Democracy workable in Japan.

Thinkers developed corollary theories on how Democracy might be made compatible with Imperial System

1. Yoshino Sakuzô (1878-1933)Tôdai Professor of Politics, a Christian, a Writer, Critic

Argued for limiting the powers of the House of Peers and the Privy Council; beleived the emperor was a human, civil monarch and one day the monarchy would be stripped of its magical aura--its sacred inviolability.

Formed a student group at Tokyo University called the New Man Society (新人会) in 1918 hoping to advance trends toward human liberation. Even questioned imperialism and Japan's treatment of Korea.

Tried to develop a new working definition of democracy for interwar Japan:

a. minshu shugi "democracy" (民主主義)　or "popular soverignty" irrelevant to Japan since sovereignty resides in the Emperor;

b. minpon shugi (民本主義) people as the essence, the base (本)--Yoshino's term for democracy--makes people the basic concern; government could be "for the people," if not "of the people and by the people";

c. He urged limitation of non-constitutional entities like Privy Council, Army, etc.

2. Minobe Tatsukichi (1873-1948) Tôdai Law Professor

a. tennô kikan setsu or the "Organ Theory"

i. sovereignty belongs to the state
ii. emperor is highest organ of state

b. BUT, that means the emperor still IS an Organ just like the other organs, albeit the "head," so, in fact and in terms of constitutional law, the emperor comes under, is governed by and hence limited by the constitution. In the eatly 1920s, nobody thought there was anything edtraordinary about this theory and most agreed with it. Later, in the 1930s, it became toxic, a heresy.

c. 1935 Minobe attacked for lese majeste, his writings banned; 1936 attempted assassination

 

Some obervations we can make:

--The Rice Riots of 1918 injected the masses into politics and helped established the backdrop against which a non-Oligarchic party leader like Hara could become Premier

--Workers were organizing, forming Unions, and engaging in strikes and labor unrest.

--1920 Women banned together to form the New Women's Association to lobby for the right of women to participate more in politics (See Loftus, Telling Lives, Ch. 2).

-- It is the Era of "Normal Course of Constitutional Government" as Seiyukai and Kenseikai alternate/share power 1924-32. For a detailed outline of Taishô political developments click here

However, it is not as though Hara himself was terribly "liberal." He was a pragmatist. His job was to enhance the position and effectiveness of his party, the Seiyukai. When he was Home Minister, he recruited Diet members but also "up and Coming Bureaucrats" into the Seiyukai and they worked on Legislative packages to increase spending in districts that would help the Seiyukai electorally.

As PM, he announced his "Positive Policy" consisting of:

1. Strenghtening National Defense

2. Improving Educational Faclities

3. Developmemnt of Transportation and Communication infrastructure

4. Encouraging Trade and Industry.

All of these were great opportunites for "pork barrel" politics and expanding support for Seiyukai politicians. He created the idea of a "safe electoral base." You want new schools, new railroad lines, new industries in your district? Why not? They bring money, jobs and prosperity to the community.

But Hara did not support progressive social legislation like expanding the size of the electorate or allowing labor more freedom to organize. So he was basically fairly conservative.

GREAT KANTO EARTHQUAKE SEPT. 1, 1923

(anti-Korean Riots and Police violence against the Left occurs)

 

The Seiyukai was in Power 1927-29 while the Kenseikai was in Power 1925-26;

Under the Kenseikai

a. 1925 Universal Suffrage bill passed

i. all males over 25--no tax qualification

ii. electorate increased from 3 to 25 million

b. but also passed Peace Preservation Law of 1925

1925 Universal Manhood Suffrage Bill + Peace Preservation Law Passed
(UMS = more than quadruples size of electorate) (PPL = outlaws anti-kokutai ideology)

 

Growth of Leftwing groups and Proletarian Parties:

Taken From: http://ic.ucsc.edu/~naso/hist159b/presentations/taisho%20democracy%20pres/parties_on_the_left.htm but it is no longer an active link.

A very serious political incident occurrred in the early 1900s surrounding Japan's first major pollution disaster, the Ashio Mine Incident. See the detailed article listed on the syllabus, as well. Below are some excerpts from this article:

In 1877 Furukawa Ichibei purchased the Ashio Mine from the govdernment. At first Furukawa was unwilling to conclude this contract because of the large amount of copper to be sold and the terms of the payment. But in 1888 a contract was signed: Furukawa was to sell 19,000 tons of copper at the Yokohama rate of 20.75 yen per 100 kin (I kin = 0.6 kg) for 29 months. With this contract in hand, Furukawa could make capital borrowings, but in order to realize these the output of the Ashio mine had to be greatly increased.

Under these conditions it was not only essential but inevitable that the technology used in the Ashio copper mine be updated and modernized. The problem of flooding, which had plagued the mine for three years, was solved within the year. Furukawa was the first to install a telephone system in the mine. Various kinds of mining equipment were imported for drainage and the transportation of ores' and the production was generally improved. Further, the company initiated innovations that were to increase production capacity, reduce the need for labour, and cut the cost of production.

However, no matter how much effort was given to increasing copper production, the refining method was still rather primitive. In 1887, of the 48 refining sites, eight were abolished and replaced by one modern hydrometallurgical separator and three pyrometallurgical smelters. In 1890, in order to meet the contract demands of the Jardine Matheson Company, another 12 hydrometallurgical separators were installed to replace the old smelters.

There were many problems like excessive energy consumption and product and ore transportation. In 1890, Furukawa requested the Siemens Company of Germany to install a 400-horsepower hydro-electric turbine that was to run an electric generator to power an 80-horsepower pump, a 25-horsepower ore lift, and a 6-horsepower electric-light system. The electric pump was of the plunger type which provided greater efficiency and energy conservation in water drainage and ore transportation. In 1891 an electric railway was built between the mine and the refining area.

Because the transportation of the finished products was dependent on the use of horses and cows, weather and temperature caused problems. In order to solve them, the company installed a 30-horsepower steam-engine-powered cable across the Hosoo Pass in 1890. Then, when the Japan National Railway opened the Nikko rail line, the company began to operate a horse-drawn train between the Hosoo Pass and Nikko, thereby greatly improving the product transportation system.

In 1893 Furukawa built a Bessemer smelter. With the help of this, the time needed for the refining of the ore was reduced from 32 to 2 days. The Ashio copper mine now became the leading copper producer as a result of its greatly increased productivity.

II. Protests against mining poisons and governmental measures

The predominantly capitalistic production system of the Ashio copper mine brought about serious mining-induced environmental destruction. As indicated in figure 1.1, the discovery of the large copper ore lode caused all the trees surrounding it to die by the end of 1884. In August 1885. the use of a rock-crushing machine and a steam-operated pump in the Ani mine greatly increased production but led to massive fish kills in the Watarase River.

Fig. 1.1. Process of Environmental Destruction around Ashio Copper Mine (after K. Shoji, production figures from Furukawa Kogyo sogyo 100 nenshi, p. 82).

In August 1890, when all modern technology systems had been installed, �1 flood occurred in the Watarase river basin, and 1,600 hectares of farmland and 28 towns and villages in Tochigi and Gunma prefectures were heavily damaged by the floodwater, which contained poisons from the Ashio mine.

In October 1890, Chugo Hayakawa led a movement against the mine and asked the prefectural hospital to do some tests for water-borne poisons. In December, the residents of Azuma Village, Tochigi Prefecture, appealed to the governor of the prefecture to call a halt to the mining operations at Ashio. This was the first of such appeals and of the movements against Ashio.

In December 1890, the Tochigi Prefectural Council resolved that the poison problems should be investigated. Gunma Prefecture followed their lead in March 1891. In April 1891, the governor of Tochigi made a request to the Agricultural University to investigate the causes of the damage to agricultural systems, and asked for countermeasures. He was followed by the governor of Gunma, who did the same in June and July. During these periods the farmers began to organize their efforts to counteract the mining poisons. Sukeyuki Cho, Chugo Hayakawa, and Sahei Kameda from the Ashikaga and Yamada areas of Tochigi formed volunteer groups, and started to organize the provinces of Yamada, Nitta, and Oura in Gunma Prefecture in order to stop the mining. At the same time they published the results of soil analysis and other surveys related to the Ashio mine poisons. carried out by Professor Yoshinao Kozai of the Agricultural University, but the book was immediately confiscated by the authorities.

In 1892 the Tochigi Prefectural Governor, and in 1895 the Gunma Prefectural Governor, went to the Agriculture and Business Minister seeking a prohibition against further damage to the forests, as well as policies that would save the viability of the mountains. In 1895 the Tochigi Prefectural Council presented a similar petition to the Ministry of Home Affairs. In March 1896, in the ninth National Diet session, Shozo Tanaka posed questions to the government in relation to the natural destruction that had been wrought by the Ashio copper mine.

The thing which all had feared occurred with devastating force. In September 1896 a massive flood, larger than the one visited on the area in July of the same year, was caused by torrential rains, and the Watarase, the Tone, and the Edo overflowed their banks. One large city, five prefectures, twelve provinces, and 136 towns and villages over a total area of 46,723 hectares were damaged by the water-borne mine poisons. The loss sustained was about 23 million yen, which was eight times the annual income of the Ashio copper mine.

Because of the seriousness of the mine-related damage to the natural environment, Shozo Tanaka set up a mining damage office in the Unryu Temple of Watarase Village in Gunma Prefecture, and with other volunteers began to take action to end operations at the mine. He started by organizing people in the areas most heavily destroyed, suggesting to them that the farmlands in the flooded areas be exempted from national taxes.

This was the beginning of one of Japan's first mass-based citizens' movements.

 

 

 

 

 

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